CLARITY of thought is imperative at this time when our state is faced with a grave threat to its security and preservation of the aim of our founding fathers who envisioned Pakistan as a progressive and modern Islamic state. Never before was it more necessary to identify the enemy that threatens our aspirations, and also to be clear who can help us defeat the dangerous enemy. At this juncture more than ever Pakistan needs friends and allies. Isolation is dangerous for medium and small states.
To identify the enemy, all we need to do is ask: Who has killed one thousand four hundred Pakistani army men, hundreds of civil administration personnel and innocent citizens? Who has burnt schools and shops, destroyed economy of Swat and tribal areas and thrown tens of thousands of bread winners out of work and aggravated unemployment and poverty? Who has brainwashed young lads to become suicide bombers and spread insecurity? Who is responsible for collapse of law and order in the border areas that has forced lacs of people to flee their homes? Who threatens our state, its constitution, civil administration and normal life? Who has provoked retaliation by US forces that kill not only foreign terrorists and their local acolytes but also innocent Pakistani civilians?
Having clearly understood who our real enemy is, the next question is whether we can cope with their threat to our state by ourselves alone or whether we need sympathy, support, cooperation and assistance of friends and allies. It makes no sense to make more enemies or alienate and antagonise those who are in a position to assist us. Isolation is dangerous for middle and small powers. Can our economy already reeling under the impact of global factors cope with the consequences of isolation? With foreign exchange reserves having depleted by $7 billion in the past ten months, and hemorrhaging at the rate of $700 millions a month, how will Pakistan avert bankruptcy and economic collapse? The moment calls for realistic analysis and introspection.
Criticism of the United States is easy to make. Bush administration’s invasion of Iraq on false pretext, killings of hundreds of thousands and displacement of millions of people in that country and destruction of its economic and administrative infrastructure are comparable in gravity to crimes committed by the Soviet Union in Afghanistan in the 1980s. While superpowers escape accountability even they cannot escape economic and social consequences. Not only has the name of the United States been irreparably blemished once again as it was in Vietnam its people are paying a high price.
From Pakistan’s angle, too, the Bush administration can be rightly criticised for violating a basic principle of law that prohibits states from launching attacks across international borders. Bombing and missile attacks by US forces that kill innocent citizens in Pakistan are condemnable, and our government and people have done so clearly and loudly enough. On its part especially Pakistan recognises it has a responsibility under international law to prevent abuse of its territory by the Taliban Movement as a base for cross-border attacks on US and allied forces in Afghanistan, and it is endeavouring to prevent and punish these terrorists. According to American government itself Pakistani forces have played a major role in the war on terror. Al-Qaeda spokesmen confirm that sixty percent of their casualties are a result of actions by Pakistani forces and forty percent due to US attacks.
If we have not fully succeeded so far in containing and neutralizing Al-Qaeda and Taliban Movement that is not because of intent but lack of capacity. That capacity needs to be augmented and Pakistan has been grateful to the United States for the assistance it has been providing. With such assistance Pakistani forces can do the job more effectively and thus not only to prevent cross-border attacks but also terrorism within Pakistan.
Clearly both sides need to do more to liquidate terrorism and restore legality in the areas along the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. But that object can be better achieved through cooperation between the two sides than if they operate at cross-purposes. Impatience of the United States is undermining cooperation and opening fissures that are being exploited by the common enemy. The need for reversing the current trends in Pakistan-US relations is both obvious and urgent. No country has been more generous in economic aid and military support. In the first three years after 9/11 Pakistan received $4.6 billion from the United States alone. Not only policy makers need to contemplate consequences of loss of aid and support by USA and other Western countries.
Aid cut-off will also undermine the capacity of Pakistani forces and could even compel their withdrawal from the tribal territory and adjoining areas. Terrorists would then extend their control and enlarge their operations in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. The United States and NATO are already reinforcing their military in Afghanistan. They would no doubt increase air and missile attacks and ground incursions will increase targeting not only terrorists but in the process also increasing killings of innocents. The people of these territories are bound then to flee the embattled areas and seek refuge elsewhere in Pakistan. Neither militarily nor economically would Pakistan be in a position to cope with the resultant problems.
Commentators who attribute the present predicament to ‘wrong’ decision by General Pervez Musharraf’s regime after 9/11 evade analysis of what would have been consequences of failure to join the world community in the war on terror. Pakistan would have been alone to buck the tide in global affairs. On September 12, 2001 the General Assembly and Security Council of the United Nations adopted unanimous resolutions to condemn the Taliban regime for allowing Osama Bin Laden to abuse Afghan territory for international terrorism and calling for action to bring perpetrators of 9/11 to justice. NATO endorsed IS decision to invade the Taliban and states of the adjoining Gulf, Central Asian and South Asian regions offered transit facilities for the military action. Had Pakistan refused cooperation it would be all alone? Already isolated intentionally as the sole supporter of the Taliban, it would become vulnerable to US and allied military attacks similar to those against the Taliban. President Bush declared on September 13 ‘those who harbour terrorists would be treated as terrorists.’
The vast majority of influential Pakistanis whom General Musharraf briefed on the crisis in October 2001 endorsed the conclusion there was no feasible alternative to joining the world community in the war on terror. They included political personages, former Ministers and government officials, strategic analysts, media luminaries, respected intelligentsia, influential persons from territories adjoining Afghanistan, Mashaikh, leaders of labour, women and students, etc. The only group where a majority opposed the decision was that of Ulema who argued religious duty required Pakistan to support a fellow Muslim state; but even within this group respected religious scholars emphasized government’s primary responsi-bility was to protect the security and welfare of the people of Pakistan. They recalled the decisions of the Prophet (PBUH) to enter into treaties with the Jews of Medina and non-Muslim rulers of Mecca which contributed to the long-term interests of the Muslim community.
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