Countrywide shock and grief on Benazir Bhutto’s assassination was as natural as the eruption of emotions in Sindh. Only the affiliations of anarchic crowds who went on an orgy of arson and destruction remained a mystery. Instead of joining others in mourning and eulogizing the lost leader marauding multitudes indulged in arson, pillage and destruction targeting public and private property. Government offices, railway wagons,
locomotives and track bore the brunt of the fury. No less extensive was the devastation let loose on buses and cars, houses and shops, petrol stations, banks, businesses and industries. More than fifty innocent lives were lost. Though not instigated by a political party or directed by an ideological group, demonstrating multitudes included some people with sinister motivations. What else could explain destruction of a canal bridge between poor villages and selective attacks on non-Sindhi houses and shops in some areas? Worst-case analyses were prevented by noble action of Sindhi villagers who provided food and shelter to two thousand passengers of a stranded train from the north.
Predictably, the Government was blamed for failure of security. Official spokesman confounded confusion as to the precise cause of death. Why the scene of the crime was immediately washed clear of possibly useful forensic evidence and why text of doctors’ report was not released remained a mystery. Confidence was not restored even after President’s delayed decision to invite Scotland Yard experts to participate in investigations. People’s Party persisted in demand for independent international inquiry as to existence of conspiracy and detection of masterminds. Without a credible investigation, another prominent name will be added to the catalogue of unsolved murders that includes Liaquat Ali Khan and President Ziaul Haq. Some people are bound to wonder if there was a design to deprive Z. A. Bhutto of posterity.
Opinion in the country is dangerously polarized due to the yawning credibility gap between government and opposition parties. Even objective reasons cited by the Chief Election Commissioner for postponement of election for six weeks have failed to carry conviction. Recommendations of interim governments at the centre and in provinces do not commend credibility because they are not considered impartial even by civil society let alone opposition parties which were given promise of consultation that was apparently not fulfilled. The President’s address to the nation failed to overcome deep anxieties of a people traumatized by the tragedy of 1971 much less antipathy of those who question his legitimacy. Urgent salutary measures are imperative to rescue our polity from chaos and confrontation.
American and British leaders as much as Pakistani well-wishers of peace, stability and transition to democracy are relieved by decision of Pakistan People’s Party and Muslim League-N to participate in the election. All of them wish election will pave the way for reconciliation. But these opposition parties remain censorious of postponement though both were at first inclined to seek postponement of poll. Analysts at home and abroad attribute their change of mind to electoral calculus and expectations of a wave of sympathy.
But few are inclined to criticize their motives as opposition parties alone cannot be expected to heed appeals for exercise of responsibility in the larger interest of the state. Government as well must contribute to the process of healing the wounds that have lacerated bonds of unity by setting an example of legal and ethical propriety.
Politics is no longer a mere game for power; it has become a lethal contest with little regard to the nation’s future. Hope of political reconciliation has suffered a body blow due to PPP Co-Chairman Asif Zardari’s reference to PML-Q as ‘qatil party.’ PML-Q leader Pervaiz Elahi has retaliated in kind by accusing PPP Co-Chairmn of complicy in destruction and plunder. Such inflammatory exchanges can only add fuel to the spreading fire of hatred and discord between leaders of political parties and their followers. Analysts already worried about post-election prospects of cooperative relations between winners and losers of the election are bound to despair. Could Pakistan be ravaged by Kenya-like violence if victory expectation of political parties are not realized?
Earnest and positive thought needs to be given to issues that have opened avoidable cleavages and divisions. Restoration of sanctity of the 1973 constitution in letter as well as spirit should be on top of the agenda. That basic represents the nation’s consensus. It alone bears the seal of unanimity. It should not be subjected to recurrent surgeries much less distorted by amendments imposed by an individual. Secondly, legitimacy of the President’s reelection needs to be established to the satisfaction of the majority by a pledge to submit the issue for a vote of confidence by the new Electoral College after the election. No less important will be resolution of the problem created by evisceration of superior courts. Reestablishment of confidence in the independence of the judiciary requires restoration of justices ousted without due process.
The period of six weeks before the election should be utilized for introspection and identification of other positive initiatives to pull back from the threatening precipice.
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